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6 May 2018

Socialist Quotes for Sunday Reflection pt 9

"The bourgeoisie disguised their class interests as national interests, and used nationalism as an ideological instrument for solidifying their class domination. This led nationalism to be understood, among the people, as a bourgeois ideology that runs counter to the national interests. We should distinguish clearly between true nationalism that loves the nation and defends its interests and bourgeois nationalism that advocates the interests of the bourgeois class."

Kim Jong Il

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“It’s necessary that everyone does his duty and works in his place - devotes himself to constructing a body of fundamental values - against the common enemy - in a network of active, supple, independent, and confederated resistance - present on every front, at the level of Europe - with the aim of concentrating all the energies of the combatants.”

Guillaume Faye, Why We Fight

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"The rationalism that also incorporated world history into its construction certainly has its great dramatic moments; but its intensity ends in a fever, and it no longer sees the idyllic paradise before its eyes which the naïve optimism of the enlightenment saw and which Condorcet saw in his sketch of the development of the human race, in the "apocalypse of the enlightenment." The new rationalism destroys itself dialectically, and before it stands a terrible negation. the kind of force to which it must resort cannot any longer be Fichte's naïve schoolmasterly "educational dictatorship." The bourgeois is not to be educated, but eliminated."

Carl Schmitt

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They were in a position to have manufactured in some scale, controlling labour as they undoubtedly did through control of the slave trade, the finest weapons known in that day for those rulers who collaborated with them and served best their purposes.

Clearly by the same token, with such total money control, they were in a position to withhold the best of weapons, or the materialsfor s uch weapons, from those who served them the least. In a world that had come to believe in money as an absolute, such was the position long ago, exactly as in today.

Thus the state that rejected international money power, as did Sparta and Rome in
ancient times, and Russia in modem times, had to be prepared to establish total military self-sufficiency.

The Babylonian Woe, by David Astie

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"As U.S. involvement in Africa and Asia increased throughout the Cold War, the anticolonial politics of the Muslim Third World became a more prominent part of Black radical political culture. Gamal Abdel Nasser, of Egypt, was one of the key figures during this period, for not only did he attend the 1955 Bandung Conference, but he was also instrumental in hosting the follow-up event in Cairo in 1957, the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Conference. By weathering the Suez Crisis of 1956, in which he defiantly stood up to France, England, and Israel, Nasser solidified his place as an anticolonial hero among Black radicals in the United States, the Muslim Third World, and throughout Africa and Asia. Having influenced a broader Pan-Arab anticolonial movement in the 1950s, the “Nasserian Revolution” spread to surrounding countries, such as Iraq, Syria, and elsewhere, overthrowing European and U.S. client states in the process and sending shock waves throughout the capitals of the colonial powers. In addition, his visit to Harlem along with Fidel Castro, who met Malcolm X there, captured the imagination of Black activists in the United States. As one observer noted, “We have a unique and rare personality in the person of Gamal Abdul Nasser. This man’s ancestry is African and Arabic, but he refuses to follow the classic road of championing white supremacy and exploiting black people... [Nasser] made it scientifically clear that Africans, the Arabs and the Muslims have one common enemy, European imperialism. He made the freedom of Africa a major priority along with Arab unity and Muslim cooperation.”

Soon after the Suez Crisis, which had galvanized Black Muslims and non-Muslims in the United States, Malcolm organized a meeting on colonial and neocolonial issues, bringing together government representatives from Iraq, Morocco, Egypt, Ghana, and Sudan, all of whom sent greetings to Nasser at Cairo’s 1957 Afro-Asian follow-up meeting to Bandung. In addition, Elijah Muhammad also sent a letter addressed to Nasser, writing, “Freedom, justice and equality is of far-reaching importance, not only to you in the East, but also to 17,000,000 of your long-lost brothers of African-Asian descent here in the West.” Malcolm was also a huge admirer of Nasser, and he said that when Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal, Europe was beside itself: “It scared them to death—why? Because Egypt is in Africa. In fact, Egypt is in both Africa and Asia.”"

Sohail Daulatzai, "Black Star, Crescent Moon: The Muslim International and Black Freedom Beyond", pp. 23-24

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