They quickly forgot that Karl Marx already condemned the unfair competition that immigrant workers represented for the autochthonous proletariat: according to him, immigration was “the reserve army of capital.” In the 1950s, the Communist Party, denouncing contraception and abortion as “bourgeois vices” at the same time, didn’t reason any differently: internationalism and cosmopolitanism were not synonyms in their eyes. Jean-Claude Michéa repeats it today: globalization is nothing other than the planetary extension of a speculative and deterritorialized capitalism of which peoples are paying the price. Don't forget, either, the stances of André Gérin, former communist mayor of Vénissieux (“Immigration is not an opportunity for France.”) or the stances of the communist union leader Jacques Nikonoff, former president of ATTAC (“We must stop immigration and organize repatriation on a voluntary basis”), nor, of course, the letter addressed by Georges Marchais to the rector of the Paris mosque in 1981, an era where the FN was still only a groupuscule: “The crisis point has been reached. I'll make it clear: we must stop clandestine and official immigration.”
A key figure in this regard: according to an IFOP poll last January, 51% of Mélenchon voters find that the immigration rate in France is too high, against only 31% among Emmanuel Macron's voters. One in two! Actually, it's not a secret for anyone that La France insoumise has two entirely different electorates. That's what explains the decreasingly muted war being waged in its ranks by the libertarian progressives of the Danièle Obono or Clémentine Autain type, and the advocates of a real left wing populism.
Alain de Benoist
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Friedrich Engels, excerpt from "On Authority." 1874.
"Had the autonomists contented themselves with saying that the social organization of the future would allow authority only within the bounds which the conditions of production make inevitable, one could have come to terms with them. But they are blind to all facts that make authority necessary and they passionately fight the word.
"Why do the anti-authoritarians not confine themselves to crying out against political authority, the state? All socialists are agreed that the state, and with it political authority, will disappear as a result of the coming social revolution, that is, that public functions will lose their political character and become mere administrative functions of watching over social interests. But the anti-authoritarians demand that the political state be abolished at one stroke, even before the social relations that gave both to it have been destroyed. They demand that the first act of the social revolution shall be the abolition of authority.
"Have these gentlemen ever seen a revolution? A revolution is certainly the most authoritarian thing there is; it is an act whereby one part of the population imposes its will upon the other part by means of rifles, bayonets and cannon, all of which are highly authoritarian means. And the victorious party must maintain its rule by means of the terror which its arms inspire in the reactionaries. Would the Paris Commune have lasted more than a day if it had not used the authority of the armed people against the bourgeoisie? Cannot we, on the contrary, blame it for having made too little use of that authority? Therefore, one of two things: either that anti-authoritarians down't know what they are talking about, in which case they are creating nothing but confusion. Or they do know, and in that case they are betraying the cause of the proletariat. In either case they serve only reaction."
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“Liberalism, then, drives the attempt to displace the heterosexual norm....liberalism defines people as simply property-owners, narcissistic self-owners, choosers and consumers.
Liberalism...denies the importance of relationships. Thereby it encourages the undoing of community, locality and beauty – and also marriage and the family.
And there is, naturally, money to be made out of all this. Husbands, wives, children and adolescents (this last an invention of the market) are more effective and exploitable consumers when they are isolated.
Fluctuating identities and fluid preferences, including as to sexual orientation, consume still more, more often and more variously in terms of products and services.” - John Milbank
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Europe as far as Vladivostok: The Minimum Size
The nation-state, if it wants to be independent, is obliged to have adequate military means. The possession of this means depends on demography, autarky for raw materials, and the industrial power of the state. Between Iceland and Vladivostok we can unite 800 million people (enough to balance the 1.2 billion Chinese) and also we find with Siberian oil, all that is necessary to satisfy our energy and strategic needs.
I affirm that, from the economic point of view, Siberia is the most necessary province for the viability of the European Empire.
A great union between Western Europe, highly industrialized and at the forefront of technology, and Siberian Europe, full of nearly inexhaustible energy resources, will permit the creation of a very powerful republican Empire, with which everyone will find an accord.
- Jean Thiriart
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18th of August, 1941
Dear Fritz, dear Liesel, dear Boys! […] It is not Russianism that will bring about the destruction of the earth but Americanism, not just the English but all of Europe has fallen prey to it as it represents modernity in its monstrosity.
—Martin Heidegger
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