Wednesday, 19 July 2017

A Message to Socialists and Social Nationalists in England and the U.K. - Wilberg on Wednesday

“For centuries, no other country brought more grief to the planet, destroyed more lives,
ruined more nations and cultures, and stole more natural resources from the ‘natives’,
than the United Kingdom. All this was done with a straight face, all explained and justified by the most advanced propaganda apparatus on earth, all ‘morally defended’. The entire twisted concept of British-style ‘justice’ was first introduced at home, and then exported to many corners of the globe. It went on for several long centuries, and it goes on until now: the rapists are introducing globally accepted moral codes. Mass murderers are running international courts of justice. Notorious liars and thieves are teaching the world about ‘objectivity’. Gurus of disinformation are even ‘educating’ their own children, as well as the children of elites from all parts of the world, in their ‘prestigious’ factories of indoctrination – schools and universities. Of course there are some countries that have tried very hard to outdo the UK in terms of brutality, greed and tactics of deception … They really have been competing determinately and zealously, but despite all their efforts, they never truly managed to come close to the forerunner.” Andre Ziltchek

Given these facts, social nationalists in England and the U.K. bear a historically unique
responsibility , including a responsibility to:

1. Recognise that the English capitalist ruling caste can, historically, be seen as not only the
oldest but also and indeed the most perfidious in the world, i.e. that for many peoples the
phrase ‘ Albion perfide ’ was a bitter reality for many.

2. To prepare for the decline of this most perfidious caste - and see through its tactics in trying
to save itself.

3. To erect an ideological wall between social nationalism and the new and aggressive forms
being taken by capitalist nationalism - both in Britain, the U.S. and in many countries or parties
of Southern and Eastern Europe. Without this wall, true social nationalism in England risks
degeneration into something more akin to the oxymoron of ‘Daily Mail socialism’. An
‘oxymoron’ could, of course, be defined ‘a contradiction in terms’.

4. To promote and revive great English national music, painting and poetry on political sites
and in political literature - not just policies, platforms and polemics - and in this way give
nationalist politics some authentic national soul.

5. To attend with due diligence and appropriate measures to the low birthrate and declining
demographic of white Europeans (something not helped by their random and arbitrary
deportation from the U.K.) but that would be helped by sparing all couples from the need for
double-income wage slavery - for example through a Finnish-style universal minimal income.

6. To protect and promote regional identity and economies, for example through regional
currencies and local public or cooperative banks like the Bank of North Dakota.

7. To enlist and educate a special cadre of party members drawn from established Hindu,
Jewish and Islamic communities to promote the radical politicisation of these communities on
the basis of a shared Eurasianist, anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist platform.

Taking up the Challenge
Again, we cannot agitate or campaign against the contradictions of capitalism - or the dire
consequences for the British peoples of the coming and historic phase of its perhaps even
terminal crises and decline. The challenge in taking on this great weight of responsibility
is therefore above all to simply see clearly what is happening to capitalism in and of itself,
and then wait - not in the sense of twiddling thumbs - but by educating the people and
patiently preparing for that time when the realisation of socialist policies will have nothing
to do with shouting ‘demands’ but will be something both available and demanded by the
concrete situation itself. The vision of devolved cantons and communities based on mixed
agrarian and industrial cooperatives has a long and virtuous history in English socialism,
art and culture. It is a vision that could, at the right time, be brought to life - if given life by
both local government and state issued money and currencies, and with the help of new
service and manufacturing technologies. This in turn could lead to the transformation into
a moneyless and stateless ‘communist’ society and economy on the Ubuntu model of
Michael Telligner. In this context, allow me to present once again my redefinition of
‘socialism’ and ‘communism’:

Socialism’ - the abolition of the power of the banks to create and control the money supply of
nations through loans - or by restricting their lending. Instead: the nationalisation of money-creation and its centralisation in the hands of the nation state - so that public spending becomes debt-free.

Communism’ - the evolution of a moneyless society in which each and all individuals freely contribute to their local communities their own most unique creative potentials and labour talents - in return for which they receive free provision of the products and services of others.

From the ‘what’ to the ‘how’ - beginning now

In preparing to lead society in these new directions, in essence, the type of work that socialists are needed to do will be an entirely new form of work for society - of ‘social work’. For there will many dispirited people who will be in dire need of help, education, practical guidance and spiritual encouragement. In this respect the model of Islamic organisations like Hamas and others - combining politics with social defence and welfare work through their community welfare militias - is a worthwhile one to consider, and an important role also for socialist youth under mature leadership and mentoring. It will also be important for socialists to exercise leadership not only on a policy level - the level of ‘thought leadership’ and of ‘what’ socialists propose, but also on a practical level of ‘the how’ - of how , for examples devolved communities, cantons or Yugoslav-style federations can begin to be set up through united individual and group initiatives, leading - bottom up - to free communities of communities. So it is not just in the realm of welfare but also in the realm of independent community building that socialists have social work to do in forging new individual, relational and communal identities. This work cannot consist in merely attacking existing communities of any sort. For again, if any community or people can define itself only in negative relation to other peoples and communities it remains essentially in thrall to them - and at the same time lost to itself.

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